The ARMM: at the Crossroads in the Peace Process

Maugan Buat Mosaid, Ph.D.

Has anyone pondered on why there was no official representation of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao, as an organic entity in Philippine geo-political structure and the most affected, in the negotiations for peace between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the Bangsamoro fronts? Was it assumed to have been taken cared of by the members of the GRP panel? Or, is this necessary at all?

As a juridical entity, having distinct personality and life of its own, the ARMM must assume position in the negotiations for peace, and therefore, it deserves a seat in the GRP Peace Panel. The ARMM is being run by more than 10,000 strong personnel and their well-being must be considered in the ‘talks’ through their legitimate representative. Such well-being cannot just be resigned to fate or be decided upon with impunity by any of the parties.

The invitation for ARMM Regional Gov. Datu Zaldy Puti U. Ampatuan to participate in the review of the 1996 GRP-MNLF Final Peace Agreement in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia in November 2007 underscored the importance of ARMM’s visible role in the peace process. This role for ARMM should have been engaged at the start of negotiations. The ARMM (and SPDA) was made part of the concessions for the MNLF yet it was not given the chance to speak up for itself. The Lumads, too, have been clamoring for substantial participation in the peace process.

Whatever the ARMM does produces ripples that affect the peace process. On the part of the Bangsamoro, they will always look at the ARMM as an important instrumentality of the government. When it shows only dismal performance, it becomes a good example of blame for the half-cooked autonomy that it has been. Likewise, the ARMM’s participation (or non-participation) in the peace process will be seen as a measure of how the GRP affords its regard (or disregard) of this autonomous government. Simply stated, the ARMM, for whatever it is (or has been) is the peace process being rendered in practicum in the Bangsamoro homeland, and therefore, its success or failure has so much bearing on the peace process.

It was awful to note how both parties seem to downplay the importance of ARMM’s participation in the peace process. The present leadership of the ARMM cannot be faulted for getting such trivial treatment. In his first and second SORA (state of the region address) Regional Governor Datu Zaldy U. Ampatuan expressed goodwill to support the peace process between the GRP and the Moro fronts – something too important to remain as lip-service.

What could be the reason for such superficial treatment?

On the side of the MILF, it may be due to the fact that it did not recognize the ARMM’s existence from the very beginning. It has never demanded for an autonomy like the ARMM nor was it a party to its creation. The irony is that it is difficult to distinguish the MILF’s constituents from ARMM’s constituents that it serves or has been serving for the past 17 years.

On the side of the GRP, it may be due to the fact that the President of the Philippines exercises authority and supervision over the ARMM, and therefore, there is reason to take for granted ARMM’s participation in the negotiation, or if ever necessary, this can be articulated by the members of the GRP panel. That, of course, is hypothetical. Be that as it may, it is not always right to assume that a mother can always speak up for her daughter even if she knows her too well.

The prospect of signing a GRP-MILF agreement on ancestral domain looms and the ARMM, over and above other Muslim-dominated villages that may be included in the Bangsamoro Juridical Entity (BJE), is part and parcel of the coming agreement. As to how the Muslim-dominated villages (outside ARMM) and the present ARMM would be merged, given the present organic act (RA 9054) and the 1996 Peace Accord, is not yet clear. What is clear is that the ARMM is in the pipeline for a possible concession to another party, the MILF. And (again) it has to concede in silence.

How would this be reconciled with the 1996 Final Peace Agreement? While it is always possible to pass another organic act to amend RA 9054 it is not prudent to pass a law amending the 1996 Final Peace Agreement at a time when the MNLF (the first concessionaire of the ARMM) is clamoring for more substantial implementation of the 1996 Accord. The other point is that the ‘Agreement’ was a product of bilateral efforts between two parties while a law can be a solitary act of Congress, and therefore, a law amending a bilateral agreement is ridiculous and absurd.

But why was the first concessionaire of the ARMM seems to be booted out of its supposed political turf when, as agreed, the passing of an organic act expanding the area of coverage of the ARMM would take care of Phase 2 of the Agreement?

The reality is that RA 9054 has to operate, inclusive of whatever shortcomings it has, as the MNLF would admit later. The qualification for Regional Governorship and Vice Governorship of the ARMM is very basic: among others, one does not have to be an organic member of the MNLF to be eligible to run for these positions. Was this overlooked if the spirit and intent of expanding the ARMM was to give way for the MNLF, as a concessionaire, to exercise and express some semblance of political right over the ARMM? Maybe not, but because the MNLF’s participation in the crafting of RA 9054 was only limited to a certain extent, then Congress, where the tyranny of numbers sometimes prevail, did not have much time to peep deeper into that ‘hole’. If the ARMM, that time under the stewardship of MNLF Chairman and Gov. Misuari, did more than enough to lobby for critical concerns that will have to be incorporated into the law, RA 9054 may be a little bit different or slightly better from the point of view of the MNLF.

The MNLF could not be caught up in the process with its pants down because there was enough time to lobby and Nur Misuari’s joining the government was a priceless break for Pres. Ramos at that time. In other words, there was good opportunity for the MNLF to do what would have been done to shape up RA 9054 the way it should be. In fact, the scheduled elections for the ARMM at the end of the term of Regional Governor Misuari in 2001 have been postponed twice to make sure that the amendatory law comes out in the incumbency of Chairman Misuari. Until the holding of the plebiscite for RA 9054 in August of 2001, the MNLF was silent on the law or nothing much was said against it.

Then the election for the ARMM came in November 2001 and the erstwhile Foreign Relations Minister of the MNLF, Dr. Farouk Hussin, was elected Regional Governor. When the Hussin administration was lurking in power under RA 9054, it was only all praises for the law. Matter of fact, his preface in the reproduced copy of RA 9054 was an all-out expression of gratitude and high expectations for what the law can do for the constituents of ARMM. But upon exit of the Hussin administration (in the later part of 2005), the MNLF began to sound off disgusts and came out with the opinion that RA 9054 did, in fact, violated the 1996 peace accord. RA 9054, the MNLF retorted, was not the answer to Phase 2 of the Agreement.

What about the on-going peace process with the MILF? The MILF hopes to be different in some respects. With so much to learn from the GRP-MNLF Final Peace Agreement, it is in a better position to sign a ‘superior’ agreement. Mr. Mohagher Iqbal, Chair of the MILF Peace Panel, stressed the following points: “If the MILF enters into a peace agreement with the Philippine government, there will be three major points where we differ [from the MNLF]:”

“Difference in approach: Under the MNLF peace agreement, Misuari gave so much emphasis to foreign participation, i.e. the involvement of the OIC. In our case, though we welcome the OIC and other Muslim states, we can pursue peace talks on our own because we emphasize internal factors.”

“Different political approach, especially on the question of territory. MNLF asked for 14 provinces and 10 cities. [The] MILF does not give so much emphasis on autonomy. It seeks to establish an independent Islamic Government in areas where Muslims are predominant.”

“On plans to develop and uplift the living conditions of the Muslims: [In the case of the MNLF] projects for the development of Muslims, Highlanders and Christians were conceptualized only after the signing of the [final peace] agreement. Under the MILF, we are already involving them with some livelihood and development projects in order to uplift their living conditions even before we have entered into an agreement with the GRP. This is because we give more importance to self-reliance, to internal factors rather than external ones, especially aid.”

The MILF has a more conservative approach in the peace negotiation than the MNLF. While the GRP’s integrative approach was accepted by the MNLF, the same strategy may not work with the MILF. The MILF position that it negotiates within the framework of self-determination and historical realities seems non-negotiable. Though it welcomes the participation of the OIC and some Muslim States, the MILF is cautious at being persuaded to soften its stand on fundamental issues.

On the other hand, the GRP Peace Panel has been consistent in its stand: First, it cannot negotiate outside the framework of the Philippine Constitution, for if it does, it ceases to be a legitimate representative of the Philippine government. Second, any realignment of geo-political territorial boundaries shall have to be sanctioned by Congress and pass a plebiscite. We know that these are distasteful to the MILF.

We have seen how occasional impasse in the negotiation occurs and this happens when two parties have seemingly irreconcilable frameworks for the negotiation. Despite all these, it was interesting to note that the peace process has been progressing through. Though painstakingly slow, it is enough that both parties talk and do not cease at finding creative ways and adept means to resolve the issues. This time, the agility of both parties shall be put to test again as both camps turn their backs against each other at the resumption of talks in Malaysia in December 2007 due to the GRP Panel’s insertion of the phrase ‘in accordance with constitutional processes’ in the draft Memorandum of Agreement. The GRP Panel believes that the proposed Bangsamoro juridical entity [or homeland] be subjected to a plebiscite which the MILF panel vehemently opposed. Thus, the talks bumped into another impasse! For how long will the talks stay in this situation? Nobody can tell.

Maybe there are a few people who must have sighed in relief and considered this a ‘break’ rather than an impasse. If ever, this can only come from people organic to the ARMM who would rather see and feel some sense of comfort at such a situation than see ARMM’s fate being decided upon with such impunity.

But for all we know, this lull maybe a blessing-in-disguise as this could be an opportunity to contemplate on whether or not to allow ARMM’s more concrete participation in the peace process. The ARMM already missed a good point in the crafting of RA 9054. It must not miss another good point this time around.

As it is, the ARMM is completely expressionless under situations of an ‘agreement’ and ‘disagreement’. It hangs in suspended animation anticipating the next scenarios that unfold before its very eyes and wish that the ‘new occupants of the house’ shall be kind to its lowly ‘residents’.

Before two contending powerful forces where there is no way out, one can only resign its outcome to fate. A law in Physics states: “When an irresistible force meets an immovable object, something has to give up”. When such a situation comes (and we pray it won’t), we hope it is not the ARMM that will have to give up all the modest treatment and respect that it deserves from both parties.


Comments

======================================

Dear Max:

Salam my brother! No doubt you are still a good writer and keeping abreast of the situation. I thank you for sharing me your thoughts on fundamental major issues affecting Mindanao especially the on-going Peace Negotiations which is a must for us stakeholders in Mindanao. However please allow me to make my personal comments on the matter.

First: I think the ARMM in the past has always been considered the by-product of the negotiation, the MNLF always claiming to be the representative of the Bangsamoro people, and now the MILF, forgetting to the point of being oblivious to the fact that they are just wanting to represent us and we are their real principal, therefore, their authority is revocable by the principal if and when necessary;

Second: The crafting of R.A. 9054. Actually the procedure for lawmaking has been properly observed. Congress has to pass it as the implementing instrument for the 1996 FPA between the GRP and the MNLF. Said law is a much better law than RA 6734, the original Organic Act, because Congress sought to improve some of the weak points in the old law, and further it incorporated many provisions of the FPA, and consultations were done even down to the Provincial level, and lawyers who were representing the MNLF were around in several occasions. Maybe they were not able to get all that they wanted, but honestly it is a beautiful and powerful law if powers are properly exercised. Maybe we should ask ourselves: was it a question of the grant of power or the exercise of that power?

Third: Secretary Dureza has always considered ARMM as a major part of the implementing mechanism in the continuing implementation of the 1996 FPA, hence the ARMM Officials were invited to the Jeddah conference last Nov. 10 to 12, 2007. However, ARMM should take it upon itself to strive harder in the delivery of basic social services, so it will merit the attention that it so deserve, because you cannot demand respect, it should be earned.

I think we have covered a lot this time. Keep in touch. Thanks and Salam.


Atty. Nabil A. Tan
Undersecretary, OPAPP


Reply
======================================

Sir:

Alaykomis Salam..

Thanks for the deep thoughts you accorded my article. I do not rebut the 3 points you expounded; they are very well said, and you were in a more vantage position than me when those events unfolded. True, the ARMM was a by-product of all these peace processes (from the RCC to the MNLF to the MILF), but I just feel that the ARMM, being a juridical entity that has now come of age, should be accorded some sense of responsibility to take action when its very existence is touched. The ‘heads’ of the house come and go but there are permanent ‘residents’ inside.

I agree that it (the ARMM) may have indeed lack assertiveness but I feel some sense of guilt if I continue to stay on the sideline and be just one among the passive majority who would rather confine themselves to their own 'comfort zones'. You are closer to the powers-that-be, and again, you are in a more vantage position to articulate things for 'others' when we feel that they cannot or lack the agility to do so.

You would recall when you asked me to write a speech that you had to deliver for a group of Rotarians (or Masons?) in Manila (in 2003). I mentioned, among others, that one of the inherent weaknesses in the GRP-MILF peace overtures was the absence of a third party (country) monitoring team. My Brother, somebody in the group must have listened so intently and found a way to bring our message across to the core of the decision-makers, and ergo, there is the IMT. And it is doing well.

Good luck Sir!

Brother MAX

Questions on the GRP-MNLF Accord of 1996

Maugan Buat Mosaid, Ph.D.

Eleven years after its signing, the GRP-MNLF Peace Agreement of 1996 generated more questions than answers. Whatever happened to it now? Did it fail or was it designed to fail? Is it still in the process of implementation or has it reached a dead-end?

In the beginning many Bangsamoro pinned so much hope in the agreement as something that would improve their lives or at least the start of better things to come. No less than the OIC expressed so much optimism when it said: “The 1996 peace agreement is the just, comprehensive and lasting fulfillment of the Filipino Muslims’ quest for effective autonomy and meaningful self-determination under the Philippine Constitution.”

But after all these years, the Philippine government and the MNLF are consistently making two different versions of the status of implementation of the agreement. On one hand, the government says the provisions of the agreement have been substantially implemented in “letter and spirit”. On the other hand, the MNLF claims that the substantial provisions of the agreement had not been implemented which was the reason why the MNLF had insisted that the implementation be reviewed with the participation of the Organization of Islamic Conference. In November 2007 the review did take place in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, and per newspaper account, the outcome was the same: there were two different versions of the status of implementation of the agreement claimed by the two sides.

All along, the status of implementation of the GRP-MNLF Peace Agreement bred some questions like the following:

Who is telling the truth?

Several studies and commentaries had been made to this effect to understand the real status of implementation of the agreement as well as its impact on the lives of people who were supposed to benefit out of such undertaking. Examples of these studies were those of the OIC, Philippine Council for Islam and Democracy (PCID), and Institute of Autonomous Governance (IAG).

These studies, though not categorical, all pointed to the failure in the implementation of the agreement in its “letter and spirit”. Some of the specific important provisions which were allegedly unimplemented are: non-implementation of the Regional Security Forces, meager financial resources allotted to the Southern Philippines Council for Peace and Development (as if it was designed to fail), non-pursuance of the proposed mini-marshal plan for Muslim Mindanao, superficial accommodation of qualified Muslims in the cabinet or cabinet-ranked positions, dis-enfranchisement of the MNLF in the expanded ARMM (RA 9054). Where indeed lies the problem?

Is it the Failure of the GRP to Implement Important Provisions of the Agreement?

The government claims that after the signing of RA 9054 and the subsequent plebiscite, it has started its commitment to the agreement and after 10 years the implementation is as good as completed. In many instances that the GRP had to make its report of accomplishment, there was no mention of how to pursue the remaining unimplemented provisions of the agreement.

Or is it the Inability of the MNLF to Implement Effective Administration and Governance?

The government claims that the administration of the ARMM by the MNLF was characterized by absenteeism, neglect and some allegation of corruption and that Nur Misuari had been passive and did not exercise adequate responsibility to govern well. The government claimed further that the peace agreement was supposed “to build institutions for peace rather than personalities and so despite Nur Misuari the implementation must go on.” It is this perception that divided the MNLF and the eventual incarceration of its Chairman, Nur Misuari.

The MNLF would counter that it is the lack of power and non-implementation of important provisions of the agreement that renders it inutile.

Is it Inadequacy of Resources or Mismanagement of Resources?

The government says that from 1996 to 2000 the total amount of funds released for various programs and projects in the ARMM and the SPCPD has reached P67.7 billion. Though this might have been true the MNLF claimed that the greater bulk of these funds were regular national government assistance that had been earmarked for the ARMM even without the Agreement. There were only meager funds generated by the Peace Agreement if the tasks of re-integration, rebuilding and reconstruction were to be considered.

Is it the built-in weaknesses/defects in the Agreement itself?

That the agreement does not have built-in power to effect good governance and social change may not be good reasons why such concerns were not substantially pursued. After all, the peace pact does not implement itself but by adequate policy support, timely provision of resources, effective delivery mechanism, and above all, sincerity in the commitment that the peace agreement succeeds.

Is it Misinterpretation of the Agreement?

How was the mineral resources understood by the GRP and the MNLF? What about the so-called “Mini-Marshall Plan”, provisional government and security? Any differences in the interpretation of the agreement, if ever, shall be resolved in the light of the Philippine Constitution and existing laws (par 153, FPA) or shall be resolved by the tripartite committee and that any unilateral act is deemed illegal.

So, where did it go wrong? Is it partly or all of the above?

These are various schools of thought, perceptions, speculations in the light of what many sectors consider failure of the GRP-MNLF agreement to deliver what was expected of it in the beginning.

The MNLF-GRP peace accord is a very important document in more ways than one.
First, it is an agreement duly facilitated and witnessed by the international communities which is morally binding for both the MNLF and the government to enforce. There has never been an agreement of that stature in our immediate past history. It was considered by the OIC as a just, comprehensive and lasting fulfillment of the Filipino Muslims’ quest for effective autonomy and meaningful self-determination under the Philippine constitution.

Second, the same agreement could have been a source for peace in Mindanao. With all the splendor, fame and special attention given to it by the Ramos administration and the international donor institutions it was such a powerful document that could have made a difference in terms of drawing the MNLF combatants into the mainstream social and political milieu.

Third, it has become an acid test to the sincerity and political will of the government in waging peace in Mindanao. Apparently, it fell short of this expectation. Is the government interested only in signing agreements and not in peace?

Fourth, it is also a barometer whether an agreement becomes successful when it is confined to the ambit of the constitution, especially in a one nation state where the fate of the minority is at the mercy of the majority.

And fifth, it could have become a good term of reference for the next best thing to do, i.e. to negotiate with the MILF.

The MNLF, at least many of its members, strongly believes that had the agreement been fully implemented in its entirety, it could have spelled the difference in the lives of the Bangsamoro or at least that is what they thought. And that is not impossible.

The agreement may not be the end all solution to the centuries-old problems in the Bangsamoro homeland, but given adequate resources, power, determination and capacity, it can indeed make a difference and it may not have caused the internal conflict in the MNLF, the incarceration of its chairperson and the problems it all created.

A Food for thought

Studies show that the most critical years immediately after signing an agreement or end of conflict is the first 1-5 years. Many countries experienced recurrence of violence within this time when things are not properly handled. Debate within the rebel front happens but it is a part of re-integration and reconstruction.

This should not be fueled by government to divide the group. It happened in the MNLF case and there was strong suspicion that National Security Adviser Norberto Gonzales had a hand in the division of the MNLF. During this time, the so-called 15-man Council was formed with the expectation that it will regenerate the diminishing integrity of its Chair Nur Misuari.

If the division was deliberately influenced by some personalities in government, it achieved its purpose in terms of sowing confusion within the MNLF ranks and discrediting its key leaders.

If the government had been sincere it could have taken extra step to refer the issues to the OIC to prevent what had happened. Had the tripartite committee met earlier, it could have been a different story.

Is there a way out?

The long overdue way is to talk; the tripartite meeting could have been convened much earlier. Unfortunately, it took years before the government realized the urgency of this move or only after the damage had been done. One thing is clear: the government has been only occasionally enthusiastic in the implementation of the agreement while all throughout it has been passive.

“There is no more use crying over spilled milk”, as the saying goes, but what happened to the MNLF-GRP agreement has already become a lesson learned. As wise people say, “it is unforgivable stupidity to get bitten by a snake twice in the same hole”.

Implications of the GRP-MNLF Peace Talks

The MILF, in their peace talks with the government, has become extra cautious in striking a deal with the latter. In their view, this government has not learned the art of implementing agreements as shown by the GRP-MNLF agreement of 1996. The sincerity and political will of this government is at stake. This, in a way slowed down and made the process more difficult for the MILF and the GRP.

On the other hand, a successful implementation could have produced a positive impact on the GRP-MILF talks, on the lives of the people and on the over-all peace and security of the region. Successful implementation could have also won the sympathy of foreign countries like the OIC and the international development institutions to help provide necessary development assistance in various forms.

But, as of now, the government and the MNLF did not err in their prediction that “failure of implementation could lead to a continuing armed conflict which in the long run will debilitate the strength and resources of the nation”.

Some Ramifications of the GRP-MILF Peace Process

Maugan Buat Mosaid, Ph.D.

The GRP-MILF Peace Agreement, when it comes, should be something different. First, the GRP is not expected to renegotiate what was already ‘settled’ with the MNLF. Second, there is much to learn from the GRP-MNLF Final Peace Agreement from inherent flaws in the document itself to weak implementing mechanisms.

The GRP missed the point that a satisfactory rating in the implementation of the GRP-MNLF Final Peace Agreement would be a good incentive for the next best thing to do - to negotiate with the MILF. Or, in fairness, this may have been at the back of the minds of people involved in the implementation of the agreement, but only the government was less sincere or less capable, or both, to fully implement all the provisions and requirements of the final peace agreement to a satisfactory level.

What was supposed to come out as a good term of reference for a GRP-MILF negotiation to follow through came out later as good examples to stay away from. But there is no use crying over spilled milk. At this point, it will suffice that the MILF may take cognizance of the following:

1) To be lured into signing an unfunded agreement

The MNLF had to practically mendicate for much needed funds while there was no congressional appropriation to implement the provisions of the Final Peace Agreement. Initially the President’s Social Fund, though meager, had to take care of everything to ‘start the ball rolling.’

It was untenable to think why the funding requirement could be overlooked when Congress has authority to pass ‘continuing appropriation’ that stays on until it is expended.

2) To have an ‘agreement’ that is marred by open-ended provisions

The GRP-MNLF Final Peace Agreement was marred by open-ended provisions which were all subjugated to the supremacy of the Philippine Constitution and the numbers game in Congress. Commenting on Sen. Miriam Santiago’s proposal to file a complaint against Trillanes’ fiasco at the Manila Peninsula, Sen. ‘Chiz’ Escudero said, “now they don’t have the numbers on their side; something that they had used effectively against us when I was with the lower house.” You can see how the truism of logic can be thwarted, sometimes, by the game of numbers in Congress.

The American Indians got better deals from the US government under some settlements negotiated and granted outside the dominions of Congress and the Federal Constitution. The American Indian Movement (AIM) became very prominent in the late 1950s until early 1960s due to repressive policies begun under the Eisenhower administration.

Apparently, the GRP is not ready to explore extra-Constitutional means and out-of-Congress settlements to address the so-called ‘Mindanao problem’. Instead, the GRP negotiators have effectively used the Constitution and Congress as defense mechanisms whenever it is confronted with ‘controversial’ counter-proposals from the MILF. This can be gleaned from the words of Sec. Silvestre Afable, former Chair of the GRP Panel; “What the MILF wants is not possible to negotiate under the present terms of reference of the GRP peace panel”.

3) The GRP uses ‘sweet and sour’ tactics in the negotiation

The GRP panel is in charge of the ‘sweet’ strategies while the AFP takes charge of the ‘sour’ tactics. Before 2004 and until the assumption of the International Monitoring Team (IMT), batch 2 last year, it has become a pattern that armed confrontations on the ground would always occur a few days before or after the scheduled talks.

The MILF should not show impatience when negotiation is stalled by some critical disagreements or by simple dilly-dallying of the GRP as if it wants an ‘agreement’ more than the government. This is not basketball where the team who is more aggressive to have it is more likely to win the game.

4) Fast-tracking the agreement

The next thing that the GRP impresses upon the MILF is to fast-track the ‘agreement’ because time is of the essence. This was what the GRP did to the MNLF when the negotiation was on the verge of collapsing. The fast-tracking was so fast that the MNLF was mesmerized into agreeing with an ‘agreement’ that was drafted overnight by some Malacaňang boys.

On the resumption of the talks in 2004, President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo was very optimistic that a final agreement would be signed “soon”. The “soon” overshot two years without significant strides to look upon. As of May this year, three of the four issues on ancestral domain had been resolved. Only the question on territory remained but that proved to be the toughest to hurdle. While both Parties had agreed to the definition on ‘contiguity’ they had not settled on the number of Muslim-dominated villages that would finally comprise the Bangsamoro Juridical Entity. The GRP panel would consider more than 600 while the MILF insisted on more than a thousand. This number is over and above the present area of the ARMM.

The issue on territory may have been hurdled if the Philippine government heeded the appeal of the Malaysian talks facilitator Othman Abdul Razak to have a stronger political will to come up with an offer that would satisfy the MILF. Apparently the GRP was not moved by the suggestion as it is not in a hurry to close the deal with the MILF.

What would be there to hurry on, on the part of government, except as an offensive gambit to do a repeat of the strategy used on the MNLF?

5) What about a legislated ‘Bangsamoro Homeland’?

Yes, it might help toying with the idea of a legislated ‘Bangsamoro Homeland’ before signing a final peace agreement to see how sincere and how far the GRP would go.

This is not a political bribe. Following the GRP panel’s consistent stand, any geo-political realignment of territorial boundaries shall have to be sanctioned by Congress.

If Israel can grant a ‘Palestinian Homeland’ amidst a deeply rooted conflict characterized by so much hate and killings, the Philippines, where Muslims and Christians are in talking terms and peaceful co-habitation, is in a better position to do so. Surely, it is not necessary to wait for a similar situation before the same settlement can be made possible.

And when the GRP does the same, there is no missing a good point the second time around – to finally put to rest the ‘Moro uprisings’ in Mindanao which the Spaniards and Americans were not able to contain when they once held political power and control over the Philippine Islands.
------------------------------------------------------------
(Cotabato City; December 2007; Email: maxim61156@yahoo.com)

Notes on the Foreign-Assisted Projects in the ARMM

By: Maugan B. Mosaid, Ph.D.

December 2004, University of Southern Mindanao

INTRODUCTION

Since the ARMM became operational in 1990, the common perception is that it has yet to make strides in terms of showing concrete proof of its existence especially in the aspects of alleviating poverty and improving the living conditions of people in the rural areas. At most, people say, it has only served as a good employment agency for thousands of people working in the bureaucracy as a consequence of several new regional offices devolved and organized.
The questions more often asked were: What was new with ARMM in terms of governance and delivery of basic services? Did ARMM, as a new geo-political subdivision of Philippine bureaucracy, improved upon them? Can we say now, after more than a decade, that the areas under ARMM are better than they were before? Of course, under any given set-up, with or without ARMM, there are always issues and problems that tend to persist. But for the doable ones, the ARMM is expected to show that they are better done with this new geo-political set-up. Otherwise, it will give credibility to the opinion that the areas under ARMM are better reverted to the administrative region where they once belong. This is also to quell the view that the ARMM did not make any difference after more than a decade of existence. In fairness, only a second close look at how governance and delivery of basic services are faring with respect to human, institutional and livelihood development could provide a more credible opinion on the performance of the ARMM.
The process of the national government’s devolution to the ARMM is far from over. In fact, almost every new administration would clamor for more government instrumentalities to be devolved to the ARMM. However, the essence of devolution is more often questioned or set aside. Sec. Boncodin of the DBM cautioned that ARMM does not have to copy everything that is there in the national government set-up. Is it more for the sake of acquiring more offices and employ more people? The former ARMM Executive Secretary, Atty. Nabil Tan, had this to say: “If devolution would facilitate and enhance the agency’s performance of its mandated functions, then we ask for it; but if it is otherwise, or would only inconvenience the concerned clientele, then there is no reason asking for it.” This is no less a classic guideline to rationalize the process of devolution to the ARMM.
Given the reality that more than 80% of the ARMM’s annual budget goes to personal services, or salary of its employees, there is good reason to look at opportunities available in the hands of foreign development institutions. This goes without saying that foreign assistance shall have to stay for good. But for how long, this is quite difficult to tell. Given five (5) of the twenty (20) poorest provinces in the Philippines, the ARMM has a lot of catching up efforts to do. With national assistance coming in trickles, the bulk of the funds outside the ARMM’s budget needed to push rural or country-side development, shall have to come from official development assistance.
This paper does not attempt to present a detailed evaluation on the performance of the ARMM. This is an academic paper constrained by time to be able to do such an in-depth study. Also, as designed, it does not reflect the developmental efforts of the different ARMM Regional Agencies in order to give pure focus and emphasis on the FAPs (foreign-assisted projects) efforts, though, one way or another, these agencies are involved in the FAPs activities. Most of the reference materials used in this discussion paper comes from the Regional Planning and Development Office, Official Development Assistance Unit of the Office of the Regional Governor, operational framework and performance reports submitted by the Foreign-Assisted Projects, and the JICA study on the ARMM. Based on these, the synthesis and analysis were made anchored on some given rural development concepts as defined by the World Bank and ACDA.

THE FAP’s IN THE ARMM: Nature and Scope of Assistance

As of December 2003, there were 46 foreign-assisted projects (FAPs) documented in the ARMM. Thirty four (34) of these are still on-going, 10 have been completed and 2 are still in the pipeline. Those that are still in the pipeline are already covered by project implementation agreements.
Generally, these foreign-assisted projects can be classified according to the type of assistance or sectoral focus that they address, viz: a) Capability Building and Governance, b) Health, c) Economic and Livelihood Enhancement d) Support Infrastructure, e) Gender and Development, f) Peace Initiatives, g) Relief and Rehabilitation, and h) Environmental Concerns.

Hereunder is the classification of these FAPs:

Capability Building and Governance

Title Funding Institution/Implementer

1. Local Gov’t. Support Program CIDA / Project Office on-going
2. Mindanao Basic Urban Services Project ADB / DILG on-going
3. Comprehensive and Integrated Delivery of Social Services AusAID / DSWD-ARMM completed
4. ECCD Mainstreaming and Institutionalization WB / DSWD-ARMM completed

B) Health

Title Funding Institution/Implementer

5. Enhancement and Rapid Improvement of Community Health USAID / DOH on-going
6. Matching Grant program USAID / DOH on-going
7. Well Family Midwife / Technical Assistance to NGOs USAID / DOH on-going
8. Integrated Family Planning and Maternal Health Program USAID / DOH on-going
9. Fifth Country Program of Assistance UNFPA / DOH on-going
10. GTZ (Provision of Vaccines) Gov’t. of Germany/DOH on-going
11. Malaria Control Program (Sulu and Tawi-Tawi) JICA / DOH on-going
12. Participatory Compre. Health Admin. Promotion (PCHAP) JICA / DOH Yearly training to Japan
13. Follow-up Support Grant (PCHAP-related) JICA / DOH on-going
14. In-Country Training Program (PCHAP-related) JICA / DOH on-going
15. Women’s Health and Safe Motherhood Project ADB/EU/WB/AusAID/DOH on-going
16. Fifth Country Program for Children UNICEF / DOH on-going
17. Family Planning and HIV/AIDS Prevention KFW / DOH on-going
18. Hospital Development in Tawi-Tawi Austrian Gov’t./DOH on-going
19. Hospital Rehabilitation and Improvement in Maguindanao Japanese Embassy/DOH on-going
20. Polio Eradication WHO / DOH on-going

C) Economic and Livelihood Enhancement

Title Funding Institution/Implementer Status

21. Training for Rural Economic Empowerment ILO / RCBW completed
22. Training for Rural Economic Empowerment ILO-USDOL / TESDA on-going
23. Agri-Fishery Based Livelihood and Economic Enterprise LGSP-CIDA / DTI-ARMM on-going

D) Support Infrastructure

Title Funding Institution/Implementer Status

24. Agrarian Reform Support Program ADB/EU / DAR-ARMM on-going
25. ARMM Social Fund Project IBRD/OPEC / Project Office on-going
26. Mindanao Roads Improvement Project, Phase 1 Saudi Fund for Devt/DPWH pipeline
27. Mindanao 2nd Roads Improvement Project KFAED / DPWH on-going
28. Mindanao 6th Road Project (Bridge Component) ADB / DPWH on-going
29. President’s Bridge Project (SALAM Bridge, Phase 1&2) UK/Austrian Gov’t./ DILG on-going
30. Core Shelter Assistance UNDP / DSWD-ARMM pipeline
31. Upgrading of Hospitals in Sulu and Basilan Phil-Canada Devt. Fund on-going
32. Rural Water Supply and Sanitation Project ADB / DOH on-going

E) Gender and Development

Title Funding Institution/Implementer Status

33. Muslim Mindanao Women Development Program The Asia Foundation/RCBW on-going
34. Gender and Development Mainstreaming in the ARMM ILO / RCBW completed

F) Peace Initiatives

Title Funding Institution/Implementer Status

35. Bangsamoro Women Peace Conference UNMDP3 / RCBW completed
36. Children’s Congress for Peace and Development UNICEF / DSWD-ARMM completed
37. PDC’s Strengthening and Partnership Building UNMDP3 on-going
38. PDC’s Multi-Donor Program Phase III UNFPA / DOH on-going

G) Relief and Rehabilitation

Title Funding Institution/Implementer Status

39. Relief Operations and Rehabilitation of IDPs MSF/ACH / DOH completed
40. Community Organizing Among IDPs CFSI / DOH completed
41. Water and Sanitation Project in PDCs OXFAM/MOVIMONDO/DOH on-going
H) Environmental Concern

Title Funding Institution/Implementer Status

42. Coastal and Marine Biodiversity Conservation WB / MRDP on-going
43. Kabulnan Watershed Rehabilitation Subproject JBIC / DENR on-going
44. Kabingaan Mangrove Rehabilitation Subproject JBIC / DENR on-going
45. Small Water Impounding System Subproject JBIC / DENR completed
46. Construction of Concrete Dryer in Kabingaan JBIC / DENR completed

ANALYSIS OF PERFORMANCE

The Health sector gets the bulk of official development assistance in the ARMM. By category or sectoral focus, 16 projects, or 35% of the FAPs, were concentrated on health services. The second highest concentration of the FAPs is on Support Infrastructure, followed by Environmental Concerns, Capability Building and Governance and Peace Initiatives. It is lamentable to note that Economic and Livelihood Enhancement and Gender Equity Development seem to be getting the lowest priority. If this is to be taken at face value, then the Official Development Assistance in the ARMM is missing the point in terms of addressing rural development. Economic and Livelihood Enhancement and Gender Empowerment, which are two of the most significant factors for rural development, are getting the least share of the pie.
The ODA expenditure by category or sectoral focus was not included because only very few FAPs were submitting complete financial reports. In the absence of complete expenditure reports it would be difficult to make comparisons, and for that matter, may be unfair.
To-date, the biggest single Foreign-Assisted Project in the ARMM in terms of scope and activities, is the Local Government Support Program funded by the Canadian International Development Agency. So far, it is also the most comprehensive project in terms of capability-building and enhancement of governance. It is being implemented region-wide and covers all the 99 municipalities of the ARMM. It has three (3) primary components as follows: 1) Support to Institutional Strengthening and Governance 2) Capacity Development for LGUs, and 3) Enhancing the Enabling Environment for Peace. It also integrates into its projects and activities the following cross-cutting themes: a) poverty reduction b) gender equality, and c) environmental sustainability.
The LGSP, however, is not a direct intervention for poverty reduction or rural development. It is anchored on the concept of “teaching the LGUs how to fish, not to give them fish”. It teaches the LGUs the “how” of doing things so that they improve on governance and service delivery. However, the LGUs differ in learning speeds and support resources. These two factors are important especially if it is expected that they have to implement what they have to learn.
The Agrarian Reform Communities Project, funded by the Asian Development Bank, is the next biggest foreign-assisted project in terms of funding. It aims to strengthen the Agrarian Reform Communities by training and providing them production support services such as farm-to-market roads, post-harvest facilities, communal irrigation, level II potable water system, and production inputs. Most of the projects implemented are farm-to-market roads followed by potable water systems and communal irrigation. As of December 2003, the DAR-ADB-ARCP reported having completed 31 projects in various areas in the ARMM amounting to Two Hundred Eighty Million Pesos (P280,000,000.00).
However, the LGUs find their respective equity to be quite a financial burden considering that most municipalities in the ARMM are still 6th and 5th class. Those who are able to provide the required equity complain of the painstakingly slow fund releases from the ADB or DAR. Two Area Project Managers in the ARMM resigned apparently due to complicated problems in the project. The National Project Manager also resigned late last year (2004).
In terms of funding commitment, the ARMM Social Fund Project (ASFP) is the biggest project now on-going in the ARMM. It has a total funding commitment of $33.6M from the World Bank for 5 years. The said loan closes on June 30, 2008.
The ASFP was so designed to sustain and provide momentum to the efforts initiated by the Multi-Donor Institutions at the time of the SPCPD. In fact, it has assumed some projects that were identified under SPCPD. It finances regional, as well as, high impact community projects. The major project components are the Community Development Assistance (CDA). The CDA addresses community-initiated projects mostly in the nature of road rehabilitation, school building rehabilitation, warehouse with solar dryer, timber ports and water systems. The Quick Response Program (QRP) is an added subcomponent of the CDA to address the needs of IDPs in conflict-affected areas. Another project component is the Strategic Regional Infrastructure (SRI) designed to address regional impact projects such as construction of training centers, rehabilitation of District Hospitals and Ports. And the third primary component is the Institutional Strengthening and Governance (ISG) designed to strengthen the ARMM and LGUs in terms of enhancing their capacities in planning, financial management and project implementation. The ISG also supports strategic policy studies on the ARMM.
Most of the ASFP projects, however, are still on the pipeline. The projects are hampered by the elaborate project organizational structure and the complicated approval process. To this effect, the project’s governing board created a special body to go around and look at the possibility of streamlining some functions especially the project approval process.
The other foreign-assisted projects are not as big as the first three mentioned above considering that they are focused only on few municipalities or specialized assistance on specific sectors like health, environment, relief and rehabilitation, peace forums, trainings and seminars. If ever, they only produce sector specific impact and the kind of interventions are mostly palliative. Their impact on the holistic concern of rural development is hardly felt and the outcome of their respective interventions has not yet produced the critical mass enough to influence people’s lives and attitudes.

FITTING THE FAPs WITH THE REQUIREMENTS OF ARMM:
(Or the Other Way Around?)

Since the start of ARMM’s operation more than a decade ago, the ARMM faces the same stumbling blocks and drawbacks in its pursuit of peace and development (LGSP Paper, March 2004). Over this period, the ARMM’s operation did not accrue to what was envisioned when it was conceived (ibid.)
The same pathetic view characterized the region today. Poverty incidence has been pervasive and even worsened with 68.8 percent of its population living below the poverty threshold. All five provinces of the ARMM belong to the so-called “Club of 20” or the twenty poorest provinces in the country based on the Human Development Index (HDI). The HDI is the latest measure of development advocated by the UNDP, apart from the Gross National Product (GNP) and the per capita income. The HDI considers the level of people’s access to basic services rather than their share of the national wealth which, in most cases, is hypothetical.
The JICA undertook a “Comprehensive Basic Study of the ARMM”, the draft final report of which was presented in November 2003. The study assessed the existing conditions, problems and needs of the sectors on health and medical care, education, water supply, infrastructure, agriculture and fisheries and governance.
The findings, in terms of issues and concerns per sector, are as follows:

Governance Sector

1. The changing priorities of leaders disrupt the sustainability of plan implementation;
2. The Regional Executive Agenda (REA) is not widely disseminated;
3. There is a need for legislative agenda to support the REA;
4. The REA is barely implemented according to plan;

Infrastructure Sector

1. Slow development of road networks that connect missing vital links;
2. Substandard equipment support;
3. Accelerated deterioration due to inadequate drainage;
4. Insufficient funds required to maintain existing infrastructures;
5. Unclear delineation of responsibilities between and among the national, regional and LGU-based agencies with respect to jurisdictional responsibility over certain infrastructures.

Education Sector

1. Low participation rate as well as survival rate;
2. Insufficient provisions in most schools;
3. Partially implemented the 2002 curriculum due to weak leadership in the education sector;
4. Peace and order situation and socio-cultural feuds.

Agriculture and Fishery Sector

1. Low productivity;
2. Rapid deterioration of remaining productive areas;
3. Lack of financing institutions willing to support this sector.

Health Sector

1. The ARMM has the highest maternal and infant mortality rate;
2. The rural folks in the ARMM has very poor health practices;
3. Inadequacy of health facilities
4. There is a need for comprehensive management information system to adequately monitor health problems.

Given the two-pronged modern approach to rural development, i.e. increasing productivity and empowering the rural people, the focus or concentration of the FAPs in the ARMM, and the issues and concerns in the ARMM identified under the JICA study, we shall now be in a position to make a rough analysis on how the FAPs are responding to these issues and concerns. Let me, however, proceed by saying that if the FAPs do not hit the bull’s eye mark in terms of the issues and concerns identified, we are not in a position to say that they are doing the irrelevant things. Whatever they do certainly produces indelible marks along the development path that they have chosen. The other point is, most if not all FAPs, have their own sectoral bias, or at least, they operate according to their given mandate and operational framework.
What would be unique is when they are at liberty to design the intervention package for ARMM, given the outstanding issues and concerns, and yet choose to hit them from behind. In this case, it is not fitting the FAPs with the development requirements of ARMM, but the other way around, and the ARMM just have to accept them because by all means it is an important offer and anything else have to adjust, or is there a choice? Indeed, with more than 80 percent of ARMM’s annual budget going to personal services, the presence of the FAPs is a necessity.

SYNTHESIS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Given the region’s agri-fishery-based economy, and for that matter the country as a whole, the only way to increase productivity is to modernize farming and fishing. Then, the government must provide an efficient conduit system between production and consumption centers to improve farm-gate prices of agriculture and fishery products. The shorter the time element involved between production and consumption centers, the better for farm-gate prices.
Such projects as water impounding, communal irrigation, protection of the coral reefs, trees and mountains, rivers, lakes and municipal waters should get the highest priority because they are pre-conditions to achieving higher productivity in the rural areas. Productivity shall reach such level as to exceed local consumption so that the excess produce can be exported. This is where the government plays a vital role. The added net wealth, in real terms, to any country is its export earnings. Goods and money that circulate within may only be good for the local-based economies but not for the country as a whole.
Side by side with the above recommended priority projects, is improving the rate of technology transfer especially in the agriculture sector. The snail-paced rate of technology transfer is hampering productivity. One would easily recognize the awful disparity between technology users, as in corporate plantation farming, and traditional farming as in the remote countryside. And more awful is the fact that we are not short of technologies available in agricultural and academic research centers waiting to be applied and dispersed.
The human development side is somehow addressed by the more prominent involvement of the FAPs in the health sector, but still more are yet to be done because the problem in the health sector is so big that small projects may only be good at scratching the surface. Unfortunately, human development in the area of literacy is wanting in many respects. The much-publicized irregularities in the handling of education funds, is creating low morale in the education sector. The JICA study pointed out to weak leadership in the education sector and poor facilities, the probable consequences of which are the low participation and survival rate at the primary level of education. Of course, the main culprit is still abject poverty, that is why, a direct confrontation of this problem is very much called for.
The ARMM Social Fund Project (ASFP) is in the best position to address enhancement of productivity in the rural areas. With its Community Development Assistance and Strategic Regional Infrastructure components, it can easily consider the support infrastructure necessary to boost agricultural and fishery productivity along the line of sustainable development. The ASFP, in fact, should work very closely with DA and DAR to effectively respond to the needs of the agriculture sector and the agrarian reform beneficiaries in terms of building and improving farm structures.
In the area of governance, and how it is positively influencing the lives of people, only the municipality of Datu Paglas in Maguindanao is outstanding. This once troubled town took a sharp corner and suddenly improved on productivity. Now, economic activity is very visible in the area. But we have seen in Datu Paglas how the “leadership factor” played as an important catalyst in the improvement of governance and change in the mind-set of people. Probably, if the young Datu Ibrahim “Toto” Paglas did not turn visionary, and set the example to his people, the municipality of Datu Paglas may not be what it is today. The LGSP has been very effective as a “coach” but the attitude of the players is another thing. That is why, despite best efforts, the LGSP cannot do as much in the other areas of the ARMM. Now, under a modified name (LGSPA), it is targeting all the municipalities of the ARMM. With more reasons, it has to produce concrete outcomes and its increased budget is in order, but managing the entire scope of its activities is another thing.
In fairness, the FAPs are doing fairly well in their chosen field of interventions for the ARMM but there are inherent development issues and challenges in this new geo-political subdivision that persist. The choice of the FAPs on how to address them cannot be questioned. Their activities and project undertakings are backed by carefully planned courses of actions, though more of the top-down approach rather than bottom-up, and to a certain extent, endorsed by selective consultations.
Very often, we hear people questioning the process of project packaging and the modalities of interventions. Ideally, project interventions should be demand-driven. In most cases, projects are demand-push because they were believed to be the right kind of intervention given certain situations and development issues. While demand-driven may not be necessarily need-driven, the point is that people should have the opportunity to express what they want and the project planners argue with them, and then agree with each other. This process may not be simple, but it is the only way by which people would feel some sense of ownership and some sense of importance. We knew from experience that this is critical in the success of every project.
If the FAPs shall have to inch closer to the business of rural development, they shall have to take the two-pronged approach of increasing productivity and empowering people in the rural areas. This is called the hardware and software components of rural development. The hardware component of rural development shall be addressed through massive construction of farm-to-market roads, communal irrigation, post-harvest facilities and farm mechanization while the software component shall be addressed through extensive health care programs, proactive efforts to increase participation and survival rates in the elementary and secondary level of education, functional literacy program for adults and vocational training for the out-of-school youth.
Despite the presence of 46 foreign-assisted projects in the ARMM, people down there are still waiting for their trickle-down effect. While project actors would argue that “we are definitely going towards that direction”, the “common tao” is growing wary. Ultimately, the FAPs shall have to help ARMM prove itself that it is still the better alternative to peace and development in the region. And because the ARMM needs the FAPs, they deserve all the support that they can get from the ARMM regional government.
We have seen quite a number of multi-donor’s forum with the intention of coming together and complement each other’s efforts. Instead of complementation overlapping and duplication still exist. For example, LGSP, for more than 10 years now, has been into capacity enhancement on governance and improving service delivery systems. When ASFP came about, one of its primary components is the Institutional Strengthening and Governance. Still, JICA is phasing in with its project “ARMM Governance Support Project”. There is no problem with addressing one and the same issue. Others may argue that they have their way of doing it and they concentrate on certain level of governance. But perching too many needles on the same hole may not be proper all the time.
The Regional Development Investment Plan (RDIP) is a good shopping list for the foreign development institutions which are willing to support development efforts in the ARMM, as well as the Regional Executive Agenda (REA) guided by recent comprehensive studies on the ARMM. These are field-validated studies that should be put to good use more than merely looking at them as active statistics. In fact, the RDIP and the REA should be reviewed in the light of these comprehensive studies on the ARMM to realign priorities and reorient directions.
On the side of the foreign donor institutions, it is always good to view things at the macro perspective level, identify some gaps and explore ways of synchronization, complementation of efforts and convergence at some point. On the side of the ARMM regional government, it has to be ready with its equity in terms of providing strong leadership, improving service delivery mechanism, and moving towards closer bonding with the LGUs.

My Diary: To and From Japan (January 16-27, 2004)

MAUGAN B. MOSAID, Ph.D.


Introduction

Japan was known in ancient times as NIPPON, meaning the “Source of the Sun”. This explains the red disc on the Japanese Flag which represents the rising sun.

For many centuries Emperors have been the heads of states in Japan. Until the 1900s, Japanese Emperors claimed to be divine, believing they were descended from the gods. The amount of power held by the Emperor varied greatly from one era to another. Today, the Emperor’s role and duties are ceremonial only. The government of the nation is carried out by a democratic parliament called the “Diet”.

Modern Japan is world-famous for its powerful business corporations and advance electronic technology. However, Japan is still a land where ancient customs and traditions are held in the highest respect. In the workplace, the Japanese are noted for maintaining a high level of ethical standards and professionalism.

Following is an account of my diary in Japan:

Jan. 16, 2004

We reported to JICA, Makati City for a briefing/orientation. Mr. Osamu, Vice President of JICA, Philippine Office, briefed us about existing JICA projects in the Philippines and other parts of Asia. Ms. Grace Reyes showed us some video clippings of selected places that we have to visit in Japan. We were told that, this time, it is coldest in Japan because it is the peak of the winter season.

We were given a shot of anti-flu vaccine because Japan is a flu-free country. The vaccine costs more than a thousand pesos but everything was pre-paid by JICA.

I think we over-reacted by bringing with us several thick winter overcoats which we were forced to leave behind, on our way back home, to reduce the weight of our baggage because a kilo of excess baggage would cost us ¥1,600 (P800).

Jan. 17-18

I bought all the required provisions such as: thermal clothing, winter gloves, lip bum, overcoats and ties, etc. I had my calling cards printed and bought some gift items.

Jan. 19

I made sure that I was at the NAIA 3 hours before boarding time. Minutes before boarding, I called up my wife Jasmin, my daughter Johannie and sent text messages to the three boys (Datu, Jim and Chip). Bai jokingly warned me to avoid a Japayokie (I think mothers should train their daughters to do the jealousy bits for them because this is quite more effective).

We boarded the plane (Japan Airlines) at 3:15 p.m. I really like the Japanese foods and wine served on board. I have particular fondness for “saisake” (rice wine). We arrived at Narita Airport in Tokyo at 7:45 p.m. or exactly 4 hours and 30 minutes flying time. We had to adjust our timepieces one hour earlier because the time difference between Tokyo and Manila is 1 hour.

We were met by a JICA Staff at the airport; after a short briefing and checking of travel papers, we took the bus to the Tokyo City Air Terminal (TCAT) which is more than 100 kms. away. At TCAT, we were met by another JICA Staff.

Boarding 3 limousine vehicles, we proceeded to our hotel - KEIO Plaza Hotel. (I jokingly told Nash that the name of the hotel tells us what people do inside).

Jan. 20

Ms. Ayako Nakano, our guide and interpreter for the whole duration of the study tour, fetched us at 9:00 a.m. and brought us to JICA Headquarters, the Tokyo International Center (TIC). We were told that about 7,000 people attend JICA-sponsored activities every year.

Ms. Nakasato gave us short briefings, checked our papers and told us to fill up some personal data forms.

A Japanese doctor checked our blood pressure and body temperatures. The lady doctor was surprised to find me the coldest participant at 35.6oC. She advised me to drift in warm water for 3-5 minutes upon my return to the hotel.

We were given medical cards that we can use in any hospital in Japan.

A JICA staff briefed us about the City of Tokyo. He told us, among others, about the following: the Tokyo Metropolitan Building, which is 300M high, is the tallest building in Japan; the Shinjuku (where our hotel is located) is the busiest commercial district in Tokyo; Akihabara is the home of cheap electronic gadgets and appliances; Asakusa is the biggest flea market; the Imperial Palace is not open to the public, not even to Japanese people; Emperor Hirohito is sickly, that is why the government declared a no smoking zone within 1 km. around the palace as a matter of respect and reverence for the sick Emperor.

Mr. Matsunaga, Executive Director of JICA met us at 12:30 p.m. and briefed us on what to expect for the next several days until the 27th of January. He emphasized, among others, that the primary objective of the study tour is to finalize the JICA Governance Support for ARMM and to learn from governance experience in Japan.

Jan. 21

Ms. Nakano fetched us from KEIO Plaza Hotel at 9:30 a.m.;

Mr. Matsuoka, Vice Pres. of JICA, sponsored our lunch; he was an upbeat executive with so much to tell about Japan-Philippine cooperation experience.

We met Dr. Alex Brillantes of U.P. He is in Japan as visiting Professor of Kobe University;

We had a tele-conference between JICA-Tokyo and JICA-Manila from 1:30 p.m. to 4:30 p.m.;

At past 6 p.m., Ms. Kobayashi of the Kokusai Service Agency briefed us on the things that we have to do regarding our return flight to Manila.

At 8:00 in the evening we went shopping around Shinjuku commercial district in Tokyo; I bought a digital camera, wrist watch for my wife, FM Card Radio for my daughter, novelty items for my 3 boys, and some gifts for friends and relatives at home; then, Nash and I went to a restaurant to partake our favorite Japanese food, Japanese green noodles, a soup (I forgot the name) and green tea.

January 22

Ms. Nakano fetched us from Keio Hotel at 9:30 a.m.;

Atty. Salmani, head of our delegation, gave an opening remarks;

Prof. Katayama of Kobe University and Prof. Temario Rivera of the International Christian University presented the general outline of politics, economy and governance in Mindanao, Philippines;

Dr. Amy Malbun, member of our delegation, presented some of the programs on education in the ARMM.

Ms. Mashako Ishii gave response/remarks to the presentation of Dr. Amy Malbun; she recommended for peace education as a means of confidence-building for the tri-people of Mindanao (Muslims, Christians, Lumads); she also recommended for active inter-phase between the Madaris and the public school system in the ARMM.

Dr. Lampa Pandi, member of our delegation, presented the health programs in the ARMM; Mr. Takahiro Nakashima from the Asia Health Institute, an NGO based in Japan, made remarks and recommendations on the presentation.

Jan. 23

Ms. Nakano fetched us from Keio Hotel at 9:30 a.m.;

But before our departure, Nash and I had a picture-taking outside; we did not stay long outside the hotel because it was too cold; the temperature was 4ºC outside.

At the Tokyo International Center, Ms. Tanaka, Evaluator of the Cebu SEED Project, presented the project’s activities and accomplishments.

In the afternoon at around 2:00 p.m., we went to the Asakusa (flea market) to buy more gift items; a prominent Japanese Temple is located nearby;

I bought a Japanese kimono, shoulder bags, several handkerchiefs, neckties, towels and rice cookies.

We checked out from Keio Plaza Hotel at 7:00 a.m.; while waiting for a ride, I enjoyed the snow falling like loose cotton balls, walked outside and took pictures.

We took the bus to the Tokyo Station at 8:50 a.m.;

We took the train to Kyoto at 10:06 a.m. and arrived at the Kyoto Station at 12:40 p.m. On board the train was a wonderful experience; the ride was smooth, fast and silent;
Along the way, we saw urban and rural Japan; except for high-rise congested structures that characterize urban Japan, there was not much difference with the rural areas in terms of cleanliness and orderliness; rural Japan is characterized by rampant small villages orderly arranged depicting Japanese discipline all throughout; one can readily tell modern farming practices by the sight of farm machineries, farm structures and on-site farm factories.

At 1:40 p.m., we went on guided tour to visit 3 famous temples in Kyoto; Kyoto was the former capital of Japan; it is the third largest city next to Tokyo and Yokohama; now, it is famous for its historical sites and tourist attractions; we visited the Hai Gian Temple, a Budhhist Temple, and a Taoist Temple; In all these places, the Japanese Garden is a stand-out attraction.

At about 6 p.m., we took the bus to Osaka, arrived at 7 p.m. and proceeded to check-in at Hotel Granvia; it was in Osaka that the famous World Expo was held in 1975.

After dinner, Nash and I went to a coffee shop and spent about 1 hour sharing some experiences and observations; we moved on to watch a live band performance at the Osaka sub-way station.
Jan. 25

We checked out from Granvia Hotel at 8:45 a.m. and took the bus to the famous Osaka Castle;

We had picture-taking around and inside the castle, but we had to respect areas where picture-taking was not allowed; It was a very beautiful castle; I bought a postcard and booklet about the castle; while inside the castle premises, it was incidental that the national Japanese Marathon for Women passed by; the winner will compete in the world Olympics games;

In the afternoon, we went to the Osaka Aquarium; it was a wonderful experience seeing samples of the undersea treasures and creatures of the world;

After we had lunch, we took our famous ride at the TENPOZAN, the biggest ferris wheel in the world; it has a diameter of 112 m. and carries 60 cabs.

At 3:30 p.m. we went to Kobe University to pay courtesy visits to Dean Katayama and Dr. Alex Brillantes; we came to know 3 Filipina students (Gina, Marie and Leah) taking up doctorate degrees; all of them are members of the UP faculty; we went back to Hyogo at past 5 p.m.

We checked in at the JICA International Cooperation Center at Hyogo; we met two Filipino compatriots, Mr. Mariano Rivera Jr. of DOH, Manila and Mr. Asterio Gallardo Jr. of the Philippine Ports Authority based in Davao City; they were also attending a JICA-sponsored training.

Jan. 26

At 8:45 a.m., we checked out of JICA-Hyogo; Nash and I had some picture-taking outside while waiting for the bus; I was really enjoying the cool sunny morning and the beautiful sceneries around.

We took the bus to Kakogawa Plaza and arrived at past 11 a.m.; we were met by Mr. Narao Okada, Executive Director General of the Higashi-Harima District Administration Office; we were presented with the concepts and approaches used in the establishment and operation of the district administration office; then, the strategies and approaches used in the establishment of the Inamino Tameiki Project (water impounding project) was discussed to us showcasing government-community partnership in project implementation, management and operation;

We left at about 3 p.m. and went back to Osaka; we checked in at Rihga Royal Hotel, and had dinner outside; as usual my favorite hang-out, with Nash, is the subway station where we can
have coffee and watch a live band performance before retiring to our hotel.

Jan. 27

For the first time we woke up earlier than usual; at 6:30 a.m. most of us were already at the hotel lobby, except that we had to wait for Asec, Kader, as usual. We left the hotel by taxi to New Honkyu Hotel where we had to take a limousine bus to the Kansai International Airport. It was almost 1-hour ride to the Airport which is located more than 3 kms. from the seashore; it was an amazing structure in the middle of the sea;

After alighting from the limousine bus, we took our individual carts, as everyone of us was dangling with baggage; at the entrance we were accommodated by courteous and beautiful airport staff;

It was still more than 2 hours before boarding time, and so, I spent the time going around the airport, mostly at the duty free shop, trying to consume every yen that I have; went to a coffee shop where I met a Chinese lady by the name of Chien Li Huang; she was going back to Guangzou province after a 2-week packaged tour in Japan; then Nash took a picture of me with two beautiful Thai flight stewardesses;

Before boarding, we had to take a mini-cable car to the passenger tube; we boarded the plane (Thai Airways) at 10 a.m. Again, I enjoyed a sumptuous Japanese food on board, but this time, I did not drink saisake. I took Ballantines (recommended by Nash) and it was a superb wine with its smooth mellow taste. I think I had drank enough and so I had a good sleep on board the plane; when I woke up it was 30 minutes before landing time, and so, I took advantage of the few minutes left to buy some t-shirts and perfume (on board the plane) to dispose off a few dollars.

We landed at NAIA at about 2 p.m.; the Japan experience was a wonderful one; something that I would cherish so much; I would not forget the kind and courteous Japanese people that we met; thanks to JICA, our benefactor; I learned a lot of good things from Japan and its people; I think the study tour was worth every cent spent. Thanks to JICA, the Japanese government and the good Japanese people.

An Ethnographic Study of GROs in Cotabato City

Maugan B. Mosaid, Ph.D.

Introduction

Ethnography is the process of describing and analyzing certain aspects of culture in a given setting. For anthropologists, the framework of logical studies is the concept of knowing culture beyond its scope and visual meanings. Anthropologists would look at every individual as a member of a given culture with certain acceptable practices and symbolic interactions. They consider ethnography as successful when it teaches how to behave appropriately in an established cultural setting as in a family within the black community (Stack, 1974 and Abuso, 1986), in the school principal’s office (Walcott, 1973), or in a kindergarten class (Florio, 1978).
In the Philippines, the GRO, with the very deceiving meaning of “Guest Relations Officer”, is equated to prostitution or the performance of sexual acts solely for the purpose of material gain. The GRO is a modified approach in vending women for sex. Before 1970s, prostitutes used to ply their trade on the street and they came to be popularly known as “pick-up girls”. A customer in a vehicle would just drop by and pick up the girl of his choice. In the 1980s, prostitution was elevated to a more subtle level when young girls were recruited by bar owners to serve as GROs. In the beginning, the idea was purely to make the girls serve and entertain male customers in the form of conversation or simply keeping company. Some GROs admit that when a customer is kind enough to give the so-called “ladies drink” and extra tips, he is allowed to touch her delicate parts or allowed to kiss her.
Persons prostitute themselves when they grant sexual favors to others in exchange for money, gifts, or other payment and in so doing use their bodies as commodities. In legal terms, the word prostitute refers only to those who engage overtly in such sexual-economic transactions, usually for a specified sum of money. Prostitutes may be of either sex, but throughout history the majority has been women, reflecting both the traditional socio-economic dependence of women and the tendency to exploit female sexuality (Microsoft Encyclopedia, 2000). Although prostitution has often been characterized as the “world’s oldest profession,” the concept of women as property, which prevailed in most cultures until the end of the 19th century, meant that the profits of the profession most often accrued to the men who controlled it. Men have traditionally been characterized as procurers and customers.
Prostitution in various forms has existed from earliest times. It is dependent on the economic, social, and sexual values of a society. It has been secular or under the guise of religion. In some societies prostitution was believed to ensure the preservation of the family. Women have usually entered prostitution through coercion or under economic stress.
In the Middle Ages the Christian church, which valued chastity, attempted to convert or rehabilitate individual prostitutes but refrained from campaigning against the institution itself. In so doing the church followed the teaching of St. Augustine, who held that the elimination of prostitution would breed even worse forms of immorality and perversion, because men would continue to seek sexual contact outside marriage. By the late Middle Ages, prostitution had reached a high point in Western history. Licensed brothels flourished throughout Europe, yielding enormous revenues to government officials and corrupt churchmen. In Asia, where women were held in low esteem and no religious deterrent existed, prostitution was accepted as natural.
These harsh strictures did not, however, eradicate prostitution and sexually transmitted disease. Gradually it became obvious that these ills were increasing, especially in the large, crowded cities that accompanied the industrialization of the West in the 18th and 19th centuries. Beginning with Prussia in 1700, most continental European governments shifted their tactics from suppression of prostitution and sexually transmitted disease to control through a system of compulsory registration, licensed brothels, and medical inspection of prostitutes. Britain, although it did not license brothels, passed Contagious Disease Prevention acts in the 1860s providing for medical inspection of prostitutes in certain naval and military districts. In Britain and the United States prostitution flourished openly in urban red-light districts. City officials, viewing prostitutes as a “necessary evil,” allowed prostitutes to ply their trade as long as they refrained from annoying any “respectable” person who happened into the area. A lucrative white-slave trade developed, in which women and girls were shipped across international borders for immoral purposes.
Researchers have recently attempted to separate moral issues from the reality of prostitution. The rationale for its continued illegal status in the U.S. rests on three assumptions: prostitution is linked to organized crime; prostitution is responsible for much ancillary crime; and prostitution is the cause of an increase in sexually transmitted disease. These assumptions are now in question.
Furthermore, strong arguments have been made in support of legalizing prostitution. Decriminalization would free the courts and police from handling victimless crime, allowing these forces more time to deal with serious and violent crimes. The constitutional question of violation of equal protection has also been raised, since the law penalizes prostitutes but not their customers.

The Research Design

Incidentally in Cotabato City, GROs do not proliferate in as much number as those found in more urbanized cities like Davao, Cagayan de Oro, General Santos and Zamboanga. This is primarily due to the fact that Cotabato City is predominated by the Muslim culture where prostitution is taboo (haram or forbidden). In addition, the Christian Church here is strongly against it from the point of view of morality. However, despite this, there are a few legal bars and videoke houses that employ GROs. As of this study, there are three (3) such ‘night establishments’ that operate in the City.
We employed the principle of attachment and detachment, though as male researchers, our attachments are quite limited because we cannot really impersonate or assume the character of a GRO. To supplement that inadequacy, we conducted personal interviews with the GROs and focused-group discussions. Col. Taradji, as chief of the PNP here, can easily summon the GROs to a meeting with us. Mr. Compania owns one of the three pubhouses that operate in the City. I (Mr. Mosaid, the main writer of this report), designed the interview and focused-group discussion. All 3 of us acted as independent observers and shared our views on certain observations especially the significance and symbolism of the cultural practices obtaining in these night establishments. We also considered symbolic interactions and use of semantics to enrich the findings of our study.

The Normal Encounter

We went around the 3 bars and made observations for one week. The presence of Col. Taradji, who is almost known to everyone, made the girls and the manager quite conscious of what they are doing. The effect of Mr. Compania’s presence, as owner of one of the bars, also had the same kind of effect on the GROs and the manager. And so we agreed that on one evening I should go out alone and make my own observation. I (Mr. Mosaid) was the least familiar figure among the three of us. We just sit down for few minutes, and as “privileged customers”, we are given priority in terms of choosing our table-mate from the girls. We call this the normal encounter, where a GRO will sit with us in a table, give us company, share conversations or talk about a lot of things.
The normal encounter usually begins with asking the girl’s name which could proceed to holding their hands and so on and so forth. We know that their names are fictitious because they always protect their identity as much as possible. But to other customers, who had become their regular customers and close acquaintances, the girls give a lot of true details about themselves. In some cases, some of the regular customers become the “boyfriends” of some of the GROs.
What a GRO Normally Does
In our frequent meetings and conversations with the GROs, we tried to analyze what they normally do from the time that they wake up to the time that they sleep. Carla (19) narrates thus: “I usually go home at around 2 or 3 o’clock in the morning after my work at the bar. Upon reaching home, tired and exhausted, I can only manage to wash my face to remove my make up and lie flat in bed to catch sleep. But this happens only when no customer would take me out. If a customer takes me out, I usually go home at 6 o’clock in the morning. I would be lucky if the customer would invite me to breakfast or give me extra tips.”
A customer prefers to take out the GRO after closing time. This is to save on the so-called “bar fine.” A bar fine is charged to the minimum after closing time. If a customer takes out a GRO before closing time, the bar fine would be charged the minimum plus the productive time that the GRO makes at the bar until closing time. Thus, the earlier a GRO is taken out, the higher is the bar fine.
Joanne (23) also narrates her usual routine: “I wake up at lunch time because Mommy (the girls’ matriarch) would wake me up for lunch. Then, I go back to sleep again. I should gain a lot of sleep during the day because we are almost sleepless every night especially when we are taken out by a customer. Then I wake up at 5 p.m. and get ready to report to work at 6 in the evening. This is the time I hurry up to wash my clothes, take a bath, brush up myself, and put on a make-up. I should look fresh, smell sweet and look beautiful so I can compete for the attention of customers. If no customer would invite you to his table, there will be no tips.” A tip is an extra amount given by the customer which becomes the personal money of the GRO.
Maricel (19) also narrates her normal work at the bar, and she says: “While waiting for customers, who usually come after 8 p.m., we sing our favorite pieces at the videoke. Some times, the other girls would rehearse their dance on the floor making use of the music that we play and sing. When the first customer arrives, we stop the music and attend to his need. There are more customers who start arriving after 9 p.m. and stay on until midnight.”
One time, I asked Lovely (21) what a customer usually does to her when she is “tabled”. “First, he touches my hands while talking to me. His hands will start moving on to more delicate parts of my body which I usually parry when he does not give me lady’s drink.” A lady’s drink would cost 6 times or more of the original price of the item. The GRO gets her share for the night from the lady’s drink. To have more lady’s drink for the night, the GRO should master some skills in enticing customers to give them more lady’s drink. Other customers would rather give tips than lady’s drink (which is more costly) so that they gain freedom in moving their hands around the girl’s body. Asked how much freedom she would allow a customer who satisfied her with tips and lady’s drink, Lovely answered; “I allow her to touch my boobs, ass, ‘pussy’ and kiss my cheek. When he is good-looking, we can go for kissing on the lips.”

The Other Side of the Girls’ Story

I asked the girls whether they would give the same privilege to every customer regardless of their “looks”. And they were unanimous in saying, “yes, for as long as they pay the right price; we are looking for money, they are after the enjoyment; so, each should get what he/she deserves.” This, to me, is a very wise answer. As I was talking to the girls, I never treated them as GROs or prostitutes. I always look at them as human beings with certain physical, emotional and psychological needs. I gained the cooperation and sympathy of the girls because I treated them with respect and understanding. I did this, on purpose, to make sure that they would not hold important information that I need.
Once, I asked Carla about her most unforgettable experience in her “profession.” She said: “When I was taken out by a sadist, chauvinist customer. He was very nice to me in the beginning and would give me anything I want. As soon as we were starting to undress, he gave me a strong spanking and hit me all over my body while uttering insults. After what he had done, he knelt down before me and begged for forgiveness, asking that he will give me anything I want if I agree to have sex with him. I was really surprised and confused but I was completely helpless. With his masculine built, what else can I do better than cry.” “Did you have this blottered with the police?” I asked. “No, I did not care to do that,” answered Carla. Here is a situation where something violative of a person’s right is never cared about. What to other cultural societies, especially in the U.S. and Europe, is completely unacceptable and may even be a serious crime, here it is not considered at all in the same point of view by a GRO.
Lovely also narrated her unforgettable experience. “I had a boyfriend, who, I think, loves me very much and I also love him. Jimmy (not his real name) would ask me often if I really love him. You see Kuya, a GRO like me is perceived to be insensitive and therefore cannot have a real feeling for love. Because we go out with any customer who would take us out for sex, we had become accustomed to making love without real feelings for it. I told Jimmy that is a different story, it was purely business. Business and love are two different things. Anyway, Jimmy and I were so much in love that one day he wanted us to settle for marriage, and so, he told his parents about it. His parents would approve of Jimmy’s getting married but they wanted to see and know his girlfriend. But you know Kuya, when they learned that I am a GRO, they disapproved our plan to marry each other. I was really hurt especially that Jimmy chose to obey his parents.” One would clearly see how a GRO is being ostracized by society, usually referred to as “kalapating mababa ang lipad,” or simply cheap girl.
I asked the girls if they would consider other kind of job if given the chance. They were unanimous in saying “yes!” “And why are you not getting out of here?” “We are not sure where to go or we will not eat. Besides our parents and siblings are dependent on us for support, and we don’t know where we could earn more than here,” most of the girls answered this way.
One time, Joanne felt very depressed about her situation. She wanted to get out of her kind of job but could not do it. This was aggravated by a quarrel with another GRO. “Alam mo ang ginawa ko Kuya, naglaslas ako” (You know what I did? I tried to cut my arm veins). The girls express their frustration and depressions in many ways, others in overt ways and some are simply covert. But the meaning and symbolism are the same – if given the chance or a better opportunity, they would opt for other kind of job.
Finally, I asked the girls what circumstances brought them to this kind of profession. Maricel recalled: “I am the sixth in a family of seven. My parents died (Mother first, then Father) when I was very young that I can hardly remember how they look like. My two elder sisters are both working abroad now, but all my brothers were indifferent to me. They would often tell me that I was inutile because I was the only one with no income. Not being able to withstand this kind of situation, I stowed away. That was more than two years ago. They never know that I am here in this kind of job.”
Lovely (19) also shared her experience: “My Mother and Father separated when I was not even conscious about the world. I have never seen my mother, I only saw my father by his picture. I grew up with my Lola, whom I thought was my real mother until I was 15 years old. When my Lola told me that she was not my real mother, I felt very depressed. I learned that my father and mother are now having separate families of their own. One day, I just found myself that I was prepared to leave to go somewhere with the hope that I will meet either of them. With my second year high school education, there is no good job waiting for me. And so I landed in this kind of job.”

Findings and Conclusion

As stated earlier, an ethnography is considered successful when it has found out that certain cultural practices or patterns are developed and accepted in a given culture, no matter how big or small the scope of that culture is. At the pub-houses, we learned about the following:
1. When a GRO prepares to report to work, the things that she should not forget to put on are: make-up, perfume and panty-liners. The make-up improves their facial look amidst the blinking lights; the perfume makes them smell fresh and sweet; and, the panty-liners improve the shape of the “pussy”;
2. In the pub-houses, the GROs were not served drinks when there is no customer. They should develop the skill to entice customers to give them “lady’s drink” and extra tips;
3. In the new-found family of the GROs, they cannot disobey their ‘mommy’ (matriarch or handler);
4. The GROs had learned to reverse night and day. They sleep during the day to prepare to work at night;
5. GRO is not a preferred job but they get hooked to it by force of circumstances.
6. Through experience, the GROs learned to deal with rude customers;
7. When you try to understand the GROs, they begin to divulge some true details of their lives; they show that they are also ‘feeling’ and ‘thinking’ individuals;
8. By the experiences that they divulge, the GROs seem to be willing victims for the sake of earning money;
9. The GROs manifest different types of depressive tensions; some in overt ways while others are simply covert;
10. The GRO can be an affectionate lover despite the perception that she is insensitive and unreal when it comes to love.
11. Majority of the GROs pointed out to unstable family situation and extreme poverty as the main reasons that led them to their kind of “profession”.